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The Liberalism of Fear

In Nancy L. Rosenblum (ed.), Liberalism and the Moral Life (1989)

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  1. Exercising Political Power Reasonably.Shaun P. Young - 2008 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11 (2):255-72.
    For liberal political philosophers the notion of ?reasonableness? has provided a moral and legal standard for judging the acceptability and, by extension, legitimacy of government behaviour. In order for a government directive to constitute a legitimate obligation on citizens, it must be compatible with the dictates of reason and treat all citizens in a reasonable manner. Arguably, such an approach achieves its most powerful presentation (to date, at least) in the theories of ?political? liberals, who typically assert that reasonableness must (...)
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  • Considering Reasonableness.Shaun P. Young - 2007 - Politics and Ethics Review 3 (2):163-80.
    Despite the relative ease and regularity with which it is used by policymakers and the functional role that it often plays in the policy development process, the concept of reasonableness has essentially been overlooked by public policy scholars in their analysis of the factors influencing the development of public policy. However, the maintenance of the analytical status quo is likely to prove increasingly difficult. As the issues that governments must address become increasingly complicated and controversial and it becomes correspondingly more (...)
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  • Avoiding The Unavoidable? Judith Shklar’s Unwilling Search For An Overlapping Consensus.Shaun Young - 2007 - Res Publica 13 (3):231-253.
    No less an authority than John Rawls identified Judith Shklar as a ‘political’ liberal. However, though their respective conceptions of political liberalism are similar in a number of important respects, Shklar emphasizes that her vision differs notably from that of Rawls. In particular, she explicitly eschews Rawls’s focus on establishing and sustaining an overlapping consensus, arguing that his belief in the possibility of securing such a consensus is naïve and, indeed, dangerous insofar as it embodies an obvious disregard for the (...)
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  • Toward an Augustinian Liberalism.Paul J. Weithman - 1991 - Faith and Philosophy 8 (4):461-480.
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  • Why We Cannot Make History. Some Remarks on a Lesson from Early Historicism.Peter Vogt - 2010 - Journal of the Philosophy of History 4 (2):121-137.
    There are various perspectives from which the meaning of historicism can be understood. Historically, the interpretation of historicism has predominantly been interested in either questions concerning historical methodology, or the relationship between the natural and human sciences, or the normative consequences of historicism. My intention is not to cast doubt upon the legitimacy of these different research approaches, but rather to supplement them by confronting the meaning of historicism from the perspective of a different question. Did historicism in the late (...)
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  • Impure theorizing in an imperfect world: Politics, utopophobia and critical theory in Geuss’s realism.Peter J. Verovšek - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 45 (3):265-283.
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  • Reflections on a Crisis: Political Disenchantment, Moral Desolation, and Political Integrity.Demetris Tillyris - 2018 - Res Publica 24 (1):109-131.
    Declining levels of political trust and voter turnout, the shift towards populist politics marked by appeals to ‘the people’ and a rejection of ‘politics-as-usual’, are just some of the commonly cited manifestations of our culture of political disaffection. Democratic politics, it is argued, is in crisis. Whilst considerable energy has been expended on the task of lamenting the status of our politics and pondering over recommendations to tackle this perceived crisis, amid this raft of complaints and solutions lurks confusion. This (...)
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  • Political Integrity and Dirty Hands: Compromise and the Ambiguities of Betrayal.Demetris Tillyris - 2017 - Res Publica 23 (4):475-494.
    The claim that democratic politics is the art of compromise is a platitude but we seem allergic to compromise in politics when it happens. This essay explores this paradox. Taking my cue from Machiavelli’s claim that there exists a rift between a morally admirable and a virtuous political life, I argue that: a ‘compromising disposition’ is an ambiguous virtue—something which is politically expedient but not necessarily morally admirable; whilst uncongenial to moral integrity, a ‘compromising disposition’ constitutes an essential aspect of (...)
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  • Political Realism and Dirty Hands: Value Pluralism, Moral Conflict and Public Ethics.Demetris Tillyris - 2019 - Philosophia 47 (5):1579-1602.
    This paper draws on the underappreciated realist thought of Isaiah Berlin, Stuart Hampshire and Judith Shklar, rehearses their critique of moralism and extends it to a position which seems far from obvious a target: the dirty hands thesis, which is mostly owed to Michael Walzer, and which a number of contemporary realists have recently appealed to in their endeavour to challenge moralism and/or tackle the insufficiently addressed question of what a more affirmative, realist public ethic might involve. In illustrating that (...)
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  • ‘Painted scenes’ or ‘empty pageants’? Superficiality and depth in (realist) political thought.Demetris Tillyris & Derek Edyvane - 2022 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 48 (9):1277-1301.
    Philosophy & Social Criticism, Volume 48, Issue 9, Page 1277-1301, November 2022. The realist injunction to attend to the ‘realities of politics’ when we do political philosophy, though obviously appropriate, is highly platitudinous. By drawing on the underappreciated realist insights of Isaiah Berlin, Stuart Hampshire and Hannah Arendt, we elaborate a neglected distinction between two antagonistic conceptions of political reality – the realism of surface and the realism of depth – and consider its implications for the recent realist turn. We (...)
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  • Fear, Fanaticism, and Fragile Identities.Ruth Rebecca Tietjen - 2023 - The Journal of Ethics 27 (2):211-230.
    In this article, I provide a philosophical analysis of the nature and role of perceived identity threats in the genesis and maintenance of fanaticism. First, I offer a preliminary definition of fanaticism as the social identity-defining devotion to a sacred value that demands universal recognition and is complemented by a hostile antagonism toward people who dissent from one’s group’s values. The fanatic’s hostility toward dissent thereby takes the threefold form of outgroup hostility, ingroup hostility, and self-hostility. Second, I provide a (...)
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  • Just pretending: political apologies for historical injustice and vice’s tribute to virtue.Mathias Thaler - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (3):259-278.
    Should we be concerned with, or alarmed or outraged by, the insincerity and hypocrisy of politicians who apologize for historical injustice? This paper argues that the correct reply to this question is: sometimes, but not always. In order to establish what types of insincerity must be avoided, Judith Shklar?s hierarchy of ordinary vices is critically revisited. Against Shklar?s overly benign account of hypocrisy, the paper then tries to demonstrate that only institutional and harmful forms of hypocrisy must be rejected in (...)
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  • Illiberal Socialism.Robert S. Taylor - 2014 - Social Theory and Practice 40 (3):433-460.
    Is “liberal socialism” an oxymoron? Not quite, but I will demonstrate here that it is a much more unstable and uncommon hybrid than scholars had previously thought and that almost all liberals should reject socialism, even in its most attractive form. More specifically, I will show that three leading varieties of liberalism—neutralist, plural-perfectionist, and deliberative-democratic—are incompatible with even a moderate form of socialism, viz., associational market socialism. My paper will also cast grave doubt on Rawls’s belief that justice as fairness (...)
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  • Le libéralisme de la prudence : contribution à un minimalisme politique.Nicolas Tavaglione - 2013 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 8 (1):47-69.
    Il s’agit ici de présenter une version raffinée du libéralisme de la peur de Judith Shklar : le libéralisme de la prudence. Après en avoir brièvement présenté les grandes lignes et les principales faiblesses, j’esquisse les contours du libéralisme de la prudence et montre comment il réalise, mieux que libéralisme de la peur, le programme minimaliste poursuivi par Shklar. Je montre ensuite comment le libéralisme de la prudence nous permet de sortir du dilemme libéral posé par la tradition postrawlsienne : (...)
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  • Moral Character for Political Leaders: A Normative Account.Lucas Swaine - 2013 - Res Publica 19 (4):317-333.
    This article analyzes the moral and political implications of strong moral character for political action. The treatment provides reason to hold that strong moral character should play a role in a robust normative account of political leadership. The case is supported by empirical findings on character dispositions and the political viability of the account’s normative prescriptions.
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  • El liberalismo de Friedrich A. Hayek y Judith N. Shklar: una comparación.Paloma De la Nuez Sánchez-Cascado - 2019 - Araucaria 21 (41).
    La comparación entre el pensamiento político de dos grandes liberales, Judith N. Shklar y Friedrich A. Hayek, además de constituir una empresa intelectual sumamente estimulante, resulta muy útil para comprender la evolución del pensamiento político liberal en el siglo XX. Shklar, cuyo reconocimiento internacional está creciendo sin cesar en los últimos años, escribe que el liberalismo se hace contra el totalitarismo como doctrina política que pone por encima de cualquier otro valor la libertad, principio también fundamental en la obra de (...)
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  • Moral Knowledge and the Genealogy of Error.Nicholas Smyth - 2017 - Journal of Value Inquiry 51 (3):455-474.
    In this paper, I argue that in order to explain our own moral reliability, we must provide a theory of error for those who disagree with us. Any story that seeks to vindicate our own reliability must also explain how so many others have gone wrong, otherwise it is not actually a vindicatory story. Thus, we cannot claim to have vindicated our own moral reliability unless we can explain the unreliability of those who hold contrary beliefs. This, I show, requires (...)
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  • Do patients and research subjects have a right to receive their genomic raw data? An ethical and legal analysis.Christoph Schickhardt, Henrike Fleischer & Eva C. Winkler - 2020 - BMC Medical Ethics 21 (1):1-12.
    As Next Generation Sequencing technologies are increasingly implemented in biomedical research and care, the number of study participants and patients who ask for release of their genomic raw data is set to increase. This raises the question whether research participants and patients have a legal and moral right to receive their genomic raw data and, if so, how this right should be implemented into practice. In a first step we clarify some central concepts such as “raw data”; in a second (...)
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  • 6. Adam Smith on Political Leadership.Eric Schliesser - 2021 - In R. J. W. Mills & Craig Smith (eds.), The Scottish Enlightenment: Human Nature, Social Theory and Moral Philosophy: Essays in Honour of Christopher J. Berry. Edinburgh University Press. pp. 132-163.
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  • István Hont and political theory.Paul Sagar - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (4):476-500.
    This article explores the relevance of the work of Cambridge historian of political thought István Hont to contemporary political theory. Specifically, it suggests that Hont’s work can be of great help to the recent realist revival in political theory, in particular via its lending support to the account favoured by Bernard Williams, which has been a major source for recent realist work. The article seeks to make explicit the main political theoretic implications of Hont’s historically-focused work, which in their original (...)
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  • Basic Equality.Paul Sagar - 2024 - Princeton: Princeton University Press.
    Although thinkers of the past might have started from presumptions of fundamental difference and inequality between (say) the genders, or people of different races, this is no longer the case. At least in mainstream political philosophy, we are all now presumed to be, in some fundamental sense, basic equals. Of course, what follows from this putative fact of basic equality remains enormously controversial: liberals, libertarians, conservatives, Marxists, republicans, and so on, continue to disagree vigorously with each other, despite all presupposing (...)
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  • Liberal Democracy and the Challenge of Ethical Diversity.Enzo Rossi - 2008 - Human Affairs 18 (1):10-22.
    What do we talk about when we talk about ethical diversity as a challenge to the normative justifiability of liberal democracy? Many theorists claim that liberal democracy ought to be reformed or rejected for not being sufficiently ‘inclusive’ towards diversity; others argue that, on the contrary, liberalism is desirable because it accommodates (some level of) diversity. Moreover, it has been argued that concern for diversity should lead us to favour (say) neutralistic over perfectionist, universalistic over particularistic, participative over representative versions (...)
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  • Conceptual Engineering and the Politics of Implementation.Matthieu Queloz & Friedemann Bieber - 2022 - Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 103 (3):670-691.
    Conceptual engineering is thought to face an ‘implementation challenge’: the challenge of securing uptake of engineered concepts. But is the fact that implementation is challenging really a defect to be overcome? What kind of picture of political life would be implied by making engineering easy to implement? We contend that the ambition to obviate the implementation challenge goes against the very idea of liberal democratic politics. On the picture we draw, the implementation challenge can be overcome by institutionalizing control over (...)
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  • Barbarous Nationalism and the Liberal International Order: Reflections on the ‘Is,’ the ‘Ought,’ and the ‘Can’.Carol A. L. Prager - 1996 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy, Supplementary Volume 22:439-462.
    It's a mistake to endow the Holocaust or any other massive case of crimes against humanity with cosmic significance. We want to do it because we think the moral enormity of the events should be balanced by an equally grand theory. But it's not. The attempt to do so is poignant.Alain FinkielkrautSavage ethnonationalism, dating back to the end of the eighteenth century, and violent ethnic conflict, as ancient as history, are sometimes viewed as if for the first time in the (...)
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  • O argumento da estabilidade no contratualismo de John Rawls.Petroni Lucas - 2017 - Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 58 (136):139-161.
    RESUMO Neste artigo, são rejeitadas duas teses relativamente aceitas a respeito do projeto filosófico tardio desenvolvido por John Rawls. A primeira tese afirma que o objetivo de obras como "O Liberalismo Político" e "Justiça como Equidade: Uma Reformulação" seria o de revisar a natureza do argumento contratualista de Rawls. A segunda, por sua vez, afirma que a principal consequência dessa revisão teria sido certo recuo das implicações igualitárias de sua teoria da justiça original. Procurar-se-á rejeitar ambas as proposições mostrando que (...)
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  • Contributing to Historical-Structural Injustice via Morally Wrong Acts.Jennifer M. Https://Orcidorg Page - 2021 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 24 (5):1197-1211.
    Alasia Nuti’s important recent book, Injustice and the Reproduction of History: Structural Inequalities, Gender and Redress, makes many persuasive interventions. Nuti shows how structural injustice theory is enriched by being explicitly historical; in theorizing historical-structural injustice, she lays bare the mechanisms of how the injustices of history reproduce themselves. For Nuti, historical-structural patterns are not only shaped by habitual behaviors that are or appear to be morally permissible, but also by individual wrongdoing and wrongdoing by powerful group agents like states. (...)
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  • Becoming who we are: Democracy and the political problem of hope.Andrew Norris - 2008 - Critical Horizons 9 (1):77-89.
    In this article I argue that hope is rightly numbered by Hesiod among the evils, as hope cannot be separated from an awareness of the inadequacy of one's current state. Political hope for democrats in particular is tied to the awareness that we have not yet realized ourselves, that, to paraphrase Pindar, we have not yet become who we are. I argue that, although Rorty comes close to articulating this in his book Achieving Our Country, his emphasis on pride ultimately (...)
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  • Fear and Freedom On `Cold War Liberalism'.Jan-Werner Müller - 2008 - European Journal of Political Theory 7 (1):45-64.
    This article identifies a distinct strand of 20th-century liberal thought that was exemplified by Isaiah Berlin, Raymond Aron and, to a lesser extent, Karl Popper. I offer a stylized account of their common ideas and shared political sensibility, and argue that their primarily negative liberalism was a variety of what Judith Shklar called the `liberalism of fear' — which put the imperative to avoid cruelty and atrocity first. All three founded their liberalism on a `politics of knowledge' that was directed (...)
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  • In what sense must political philosophy be political?David Miller - 2016 - Social Philosophy and Policy 33 (1-2):155-174.
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  • The Liberalism of Fear and the Counterrevolutionary Project: Reply to Catherine Lu.Robert Meister - 2002 - Ethics and International Affairs 16 (2):118-123.
    "While Lu invokes Shklar's 'liberalism of fear' as a 'transcendence' of the politics of friend and foe, I regard it as an attempt to give liberalism political purchase by identifying its true foe, those whose political convictions make them insensitive to cruelty, and especially to physical cruelty.".
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  • Human Rights and the Politics of Victimhood.Robert Meister - 2002 - Ethics and International Affairs 16 (2):91-108.
    In the lexicon of rights, the concept ofhumanrights can play a wide variety of roles. Human rights can be defined as substantive natural rights that transcend politics and culture or as the rights that underlie political and cultural differences. They can be defined narrowly as rights that could be asserted against enemies in war or, more broadly, as the aspirational goals to which governments are held accountable by their citizens and the world. Despite their lack of recognition in covenant and (...)
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  • Individualist Biocentrism vs. Holism Revisited.Katie McShane - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (2):130-148.
    While holist views such as ecocentrism have considerable intuitive appeal, arguing for the moral considerability of ecological wholes such as ecosystems has turned out to be a very difficult task. In the environmental ethics literature, individualist biocentrists have persuasively argued that individual organisms—but not ecological wholes—are properly regarded as having a good of their own . In this paper, I revisit those arguments and contend that they are fatally flawed. The paper proceeds in five parts. First, I consider some problems (...)
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  • Post-Marxism and the Politics of Human Rights: Lefort, Badiou, Agamben, Rancière.Daniel McLoughlin - 2016 - Law and Critique 27 (3):303-321.
    Recent histories of human rights have shown that the turn to human rights as a form of politics occurred as a placeholder for utopian energies at the end of history, coinciding with a retreat of the organised left, the abandonment of the theme of revolution, and the pluralisation of political struggles. This essay examines the way that radical continental theory has responded to the political hegemony of human rights by focusing on ‘post-Marxist’ thought. Examining the work of four influential critics (...)
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  • Justice: A Role-Immersion Game for Teaching Political Philosophy.Noel Martin, Matthew Draper & Andy Lamey - 2020 - Teaching Philosophy 43 (3):281-308.
    We created Justice: The Game, an educational, role-immersion game designed to be used in philosophy courses. We seek to describe Justice in sufficent detail so that it is understandable to readers not already familiar with role-immersion pedagogy. We hope some instructors will be sufficiently interested in using the game. In addition to describing the game we also evaluate it, thereby highlighting the pedagogical potential of role-immersion games designed to teach political philosophy. We analyze the game by drawing on our observations (...)
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  • Morality, politics, and contingency.Johnny Lyons - 2022 - European Journal of Philosophy 31 (1):179-194.
    The influential realist thesis that politics and morals are distinct and mutually exclusive spheres of interest is one that has been challenged within the tradition of analytic moral and political theory. Over the last 50 years, several notable liberal analytic philosophers, including Isaiah Berlin, Stuart Hampshire, and Thomas Nagel, have argued that not only is politics not separate from and inimical to ethics but that there exists such a thing as political morality. This article contends that while the notion of (...)
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  • Human Wrongs and the Tragedy of Victimhood: Response to "Human Rights and the Politics of Victimhood".Catherine Lu - 2002 - Ethics and International Affairs 16 (2):109-117.
    The problem with the politics of victimhood, as conducted by revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries engaged in ideological conflict, is that it creates a morally arbitrary hierarchy of victims that can then be used to justify the worst moral transgressions against the "other.".
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  • Rethinking nihilism: Rorty vs Taylor, Dreyfus and Kelly.Tracy Llanera - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (9):937-950.
    The idea of nihilism continues to figure prominently in philosophical debates about the problems of modernity. The aim of this article is to consider how Richard Rorty’s work might advance these debates. The article begins with a discussion of the problem of nihilism as it appears in the recent exchange between Charles Taylor, Hubert Dreyfus and Sean Kelly. It then brings Rorty into the conversation by considering his reflections on egotism and his proposed antidote to it: self-enlargement. I propose that (...)
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  • Redeeming Rorty’s Private–Public Distinction.Tracy Llanera - 2016 - Contemporary Pragmatism 13 (3):319-340.
    Rorty uses the private–public distinction as a conceptual tool to uphold the ideal of self–creation (Romanticism) simultaneously to the ideal of solidarity (Enlightenment liberalism). The difficulty of accommodating these two apparently opposing ideals has led Rorty to make inconsistent and contradictory claims about the private–public distinction. This article suggests a way of easing the tension that exists around Rorty’s formulations of the distinction. It does so by turning to the thematic of “self–enlargement” to be found in Rorty’s later writings. By (...)
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  • The multiculturalism of fear.Jacob T. Levy - 1996 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 10 (2):271-283.
    Abstract The liberalism of fear urged by Judith Shklar emphasizes the dangers of political violence, cruelty, and humiliation. Those dangers clearly mark ethnic and cultural conflicts, so the liberalism of fear is an especially appropriate political ethic for an age marked by such conflicts. A multiculturalism of fear keeps its attention on those central political dangers while also noting that some kinds of cruelty and humiliation might not be appreciated without reference to the larger ethnic and cultural context, and that (...)
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  • The responsibility to prevent, the duty to educate.Zohar Lederman, Alexandra Cernat, Eleonora Gregori Ferri, Franco Galbo, Guiomar Micol Andrea Levi-Setti, Mayli Mertens, Bryanna Moore, Olga Riklikiene, Jamie Vescio & Sheena Eagan Chamberlin - 2016 - Theoretical Medicine and Bioethics 37 (3):233-236.
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  • Political Realism as Methods not Metaethics.Jonathan Leader Maynard - 2022 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 25 (3):449-463.
    This paper makes the case for a revision of contemporary forms of political realism in political theory. I argue that contemporary realists have gone awry in increasingly centring their approach around a metaethical claim: that political theory should be rooted in a political form of normativity that is distinct from moral normativity. Several critics of realism have argued that this claim is unconvincing. But I suggest that it is also a counterintuitive starting point for realism, and one unnecessary to avoid (...)
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  • Facing Up to the Sovereign: Pak Sheung Cheun’s Nightmare Wallpaper and Hong Kong’s Despair.Pang Laikwan - 2023 - Critical Inquiry 49 (2):251-273.
    This article analyzes the current political predicament of Hong Kong by examining Nightmare Wallpaper, an art project composed of a series of automatic drawings made by local artist Pak Sheung Cheun. He made them while attending the court cases of political activists on trial, and the article further explores his subsequent efforts to transform this work into wallpaper prints, a series of installations, and a book. This political work, which is also very private, vividly and honestly demonstrates the artist’s intense (...)
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  • The simplicity of toleration.Peter Königs - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (1):5-24.
    Toleration is one of the core elements of a liberal polity, and yet it has come to be seen as puzzling, paradoxical and difficult. The aim of the present paper is to dispel three puzzles surrounding toleration. First, I will challenge the notion that it is difficult to see why tolerance should be a virtue given that it involves putting up with what one deems wrong. Second, I defuse the worry that the ideal of toleration is not fully realizable as (...)
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  • Conflict in Political Liberalism: Judith Shklar’s Liberalism of Fear.Katharina Kaufmann - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (4):577-595.
    Realists and non-ideal theorists currently criticise Rawlsian mainstream liberalism for its inability to address injustice and political conflict, as a result of the subordination of political philosophy to moral theory, as well as an idealising and abstract methodology. Seeing that liberalism emerged as a theory for the protection of the individual from conflict and injustice, these criticisms aim at the very core of liberalism as a theory of the political and therefore deserve close analysis. I will defend Judith N. Shklar’s (...)
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  • In the Aftermath of Critique We Are Not in Epistemic Free Fall: Human Rights, the Subaltern Subject, and Non-liberal Search for Freedom and Happiness.Ratna Kapur - 2014 - Law and Critique 25 (1):25-45.
    The article challenges the claim that human rights, which have constituted one of the central tools by which to establish the truth claims of modernity, can produce freedom and meaningful happiness through the acquisition of more rights and more equality. Third World, postcolonial and feminist legal scholars have challenged the accuracy of this claim, amongst others. The critiques expose the discursive operations of human rights as a governance project primarily concerned with ordering the lives of non-European peoples, rather than a (...)
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  • John Gray and the Political Theory of Modus Vivendi.John Horton - 2006 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 9 (2):155-169.
    (2006). John Gray and the Political Theory of Modus Vivendi. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy: Vol. 9, The Political Theory of John Gray, pp. 155-169.
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  • Strategic assumptions and moral implications of the constabulary force.James Burk - 2005 - Journal of Military Ethics 4 (3):155-167.
    Abstract Noting that the use of modern instruments of war had unpredictable and revolutionary consequences, Morris Janowitz introduced the concept of a ?constabulary force? to show how a professional military in a liberal democratic state might use modern weapons and yet conserve the existing political order. This article explores the meaning of this concept in three ways. First, it examines the strategic assumptions underlying the concept to explain why Janowitz thought it offered an approach to containing the revolutionary consequences of (...)
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  • Matthew Kramer: Liberalism with Excellence: Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2017, 456 pp, ISBN 9780198777960.Donald Bello Hutt - 2019 - Res Publica 25 (2):295-300.
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  • What Might it Mean for Political Theory to Be More ‘Realistic’?John Horton - 2017 - Philosophia 45 (2):487-501.
    This paper explores two different versions of ‘the realist turn’ in recent political theory. It begins by setting out two principal realist criticisms of liberal moralism: that it is both descriptively and normatively inadequate. It then pursues the second criticism by arguing that there are two fundamentally different responses among realists to the alleged normative inadequacy of ideal theory. First, prescriptive realists argue that the aim of realism is to make political theory more normatively adequate by making it more realistic. (...)
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  • Cultural Politics, Political Innovation, and the Work of Human Rights.David R. Hiley - 2011 - Contemporary Pragmatism 8 (1):47-60.
    In his final collection of philosophical papers, Richard Rorty continued his attack on the traditional conception of philosophy by arguing that many of our debates should be thought of as matters of cultural politics rather than about ontology or truth. Consistent with that view, Rorty had argued that we come to see debates about human rights not as an attempt to ground rights in human nature but rather as attempts to expand our moral imagination. I extend this claim to an (...)
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